Seen from abroad, Tunisia is considered a symbol and a model for other countries of the so-called Arab Spring. It is the only country belonging to that group that succeeded in drafting a new constitution; a constitution that is considered revolutionary. For instance, despite the many attempts to use sharia as the sole source of law in the constitution, this did not happen thanks to Tunisians’ resistance in general and that of Tunisian civil society in particular. The constitution instead presents progress when it comes to human rights. For example, it enshrines equality between women and men. Furthermore, holding democratic, legislative and presidential elections was another success for Tunisia. The country’s new constitution and political progress contrast sharply with the chaotic and at times bloody transitions in other MENA countries. It is the country where people chose dialogue instead of endless conflict and disputes.
Nevertheless, the terrorist attack that targeted the Bardo Museum on March 18th, 2015 opened the door to doubts and questions concerning the truth of such claims. Did Tunisia really succeed in its revolution and its democratic transition? Are terrorist organisations and groups like ISIS already established in Tunisia? What measures will be taken by the Tunisian government to put an end to terrorism? Is it possible to save Tunisia from this plight? Has the fact that Tunisia is considered a symbol for democratic transition turned the country into an enticing target for extremist groups and terrorists wishing to spread trouble and instability?
Indeed, on Wednesday, March 18th, 2015, the country was shaken by the news of a terrorist attack targeting on the Bardo Museum killing 23 people. Two Tunisian terrorists opened fire on tourist buses stationed outside the building’s main entrance before taking several hostages.
It is true that this terrorist attack was not the first. The country has witnessed many. Terrorists had already assassinated two political leaders. At least 68 soldiers and security forces members have lost their lives, killed by terrorists in remote areas of the country such as Mount Chaambi and the El Kef mountains. Nevertheless, the Bardo museum attack represents a quantum leap in the history of terrorism in the country. It is the first time that such an attack has happened in the capital, targeting civilians (mainly tourists) and involving hostage taking.
When attacking the Museum, which is not far from the Parliament, the terrorists wished to defile a temple of cosmopolitan culture in Tunisia. The Bardo museum is in fact very rich, preserving a record of ancient civilizations that gave life to Tunisian society and is a testament to its plurality. This terrorist attack could, in turn, have a devastating effect on the country’s economy as it directly targets tourism, one of the most important sectors of Tunisia’s economy.
Furthermore the attack happened only a few meters from parliament where MP’s were discussing a new anti-terror law. Targeting such a place was very significant as it was supposedly protected by high levels of security. Tunisia was also two days away celebrating its independence day when the bloody attack occurred. Too many symbols and meanings.
Despite their great shock and surprise, Tunisians showed a great willingness to resist and move beyond this tragedy. Instead of announcing a day of national mourning, Tunisians chose to show their courage and determination taking to the streets to denounce terrorism.
On the evening of the bloody attack, a spontaneous rally to denounce terrorism and the horror took place in Avenue Habib Bourguiba, the beating heart of the Tunisian capital. Women and men, young and old, took to the streets raising Tunisian flags and singing the national anthem. One day later, crowds headed to the museum to leave roses in the memory of the dead. On March 20th, Tunisian Independence Day, despite the pain and horror, crowds headed to Avenue Habib Bourguiba in a celebratory mood firmly denouncing terrorism. Several similar rallies and marches were held in various cities around the country.
For their part, Tunisian authorities and politicians denounced the terrorist attack and declared a ruthless war on terror. Speeches against terrorism were heard everywhere. Security forces started to work steadily to arrest terrorists and foil their plans. At least 46 terrorists allegedly involved with the Bardo museum attack have been arrested. Hours before the International March against Terrorism, attended by several foreign heads of states and presidents, Tunisian security forces carried out a successful raid in Gafsa. They arrested Uqba Ibn Nafaa’s leader Loqman Abu Sakhr and several other terrorists. But can Tunisia only rely on security solutions?
It is true that strengthening the security forces is very important in such a situation where terrorism has gained ground and spread in the country. Nevertheless, I personally think that this is a short term-solution that might rid Tunisia of some of the terrorist cells spread within our borders, but will neither root out terrorism, nor stop the radicalization of Tunisian society and especially that of the young.
Some recently statistics published by national and international media reveal that young Tunisians represent the highest number of fighters or jihadists in Syria. What are the reasons for such a situation, in a country said to be a “model” for a successful democratic transition?
Tunisia succeeded in avoiding the chaos and civil wars that other countries of the so-called Arab Spring are experiencing. Tunisia succeeded in drafting a new constitution described as revolutionary and applauded by the entire world. Moreover, no one can deny the fact that Tunisia held democratic elections in a relatively peaceful atmosphere. Nonetheless, no one can deny that this democratic transition has been shaky and fragile, nor can they deny that Tunisia has experienced many hardships and difficult times. Above all, one should not forget that all the governments that followed the fall of dictator Ben Ali, did not really work to fulfil the objectives of the Tunisian revolution, often labelled the “Youth Revolution”. Indeed, the young defied and challenged the dictator’s regime and its oppressive forces. They offered bared their chests to the bullets and truncheons of repressive forces. They inhaled tear gas and slept in public squares. They managed to rekindle the flame, and make the impossible possible, and to threaten a regime that seemed untouchable. It was mainly the young who chanted, “employment, freedom, and dignity”. It was the young who mastered computer skills and new communication technologies managing to break through the wall of silence and the leaden shroud that had silenced our nation for decades. However, allow me say that today, the very old, the old, the not-very young, and the less young, are those who took control of the situation, once again taking power and fully assuming responsibility for our country’s destiny.
After the fall of Ben Ali, young Tunisians were very optimistic and full of hopes and dreams. They believed that their situation would improve and that the country would finally witness real change and solid development. But reality proved to be different. None of the governments that took over after the ousting of Ben Ali really worked to achieve the objectives of the revolution, or at least showed willingness to do so. Political, ideological, cultural and socio-economic factors have caused the situation we are experiencing today.
Politically speaking, many mistakes committed by the Troika government, led by the Islamist Party “Ennahdha”, allowed the proliferation of terrorism in the country. In the name of freedom of speech, for example, they allowed mosques to be taken over by the most extremist preachers and groups. It goes without saying that the radicalization process usually starts in mosques, through sermons and religious educational groups. They warmly welcomed extremist preachers arriving in Tunisia and offered them venues at which they could disseminate their poisonous retrograde ideologies. Several of “Ennahdha” leaders openly encouraged their supporters to travel to Syria to fight Assad and turned a blind eye to the extremist groups’ growth, in the hope of winning Salafist votes. The country witnessed protests shared by Ennahdha supporters and the most extremist Salafist groups, such as the one organized after the burial of the martyr Chokri Belaid. They also allowed the infiltration of the security forces by extremist groups, thus weakening security institutions. These are just a few examples, but all me to point to the fact that the relationship between the Troika government and extremists was more or less one of exchanges and understanding. It was also characterized by a lenient attitude to religious extremism.
When it comes to socio-economic factors and due to the unstable situation in the country, the living standards of marginalized and unemployed young people worsened, thereby increasing their problems and destroying their hopes. This certainly provides fertile ground for extremist recruiters exploiting the fragility of the country’s political transition. Extremist recruiters usually target the most vulnerable young people and offer them money and new hope. This is also related to other cultural, educational and ideological factors. Indeed, the lack of alternative religious teachings creates a religious void, allowing extremists to lure the youth into extremism and to easily brainwash them. The Tunisian educational system is almost totally destroyed. The absence of cultural alternatives might be another reason for the rise of extremism in the country.
It is therefore true that in order to fight terrorism, the Tunisian authorities should resort to security solutions by implementing correct security strategies in order to control extremists and work on ridding the country of various terrorist cells. It is true that passing an anti-terrorist law is very important. It is also true that keeping an eye on the Libyan border is equally relevant, as that country has become a way station, a place where one can link up with fighters of Islamic state, which has established several strongholds in the country for young Tunisians wishing to join jihadists in Syria and Iraq. But in order to totally uproot terrorism in Tunisia, the authorities should seriously consider long-term solutions allowing the implementation of economic policies to permit the development of the marginalized areas, educational reform and the implementation of cultural programs.
Finally, for Tunisia to preserve its status as an Arab success story, it will have to insure not only the security of its citizens and guests, but also the integrity of the country’s political system and the rights and freedoms that sustain it. Fighting terrorism is the duty of the authorities who should take serious steps to do so, but this should not be fulfilled to the detriment of human rights. The political party Nidaa Tounes that has recently come to power, should fulfil its promise to fight terrorism, but should also guarantee freedoms and rights. Such an attack should not bring back old customs among former members of Ben Ali’s regime, as one must not forget that the Nidaa Tounes party includes many former members of that regime. A regime that legitimized its own attacks on human rights and abuses of power by claiming it was fighting terrorism.
Brutal strategies employed to fight terrorism would have an opposite and negative effect. They would not free the country of extremism and radicalism; they would rather create a generation of frustrated youth. It is instead high time work was undertaken to achieve the real objectives of the revolution and give a chance to disillusioned young people. It is high time work was started on the country’s development. Security solutions are the short-term solutions. But long-term solutions include social, cultural, economic and educational reform.
Photo: DOMINIQUE FAGET / AFP
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