Analyses
Society
Like any “ism,” liberalism is many things, but its diverse conceptual and political values are undeniably in crisis. From Viktor Orbán’s embrace of “illiberal democracy” and Donald Trump’s incendiary rhetoric to the British Blue Labour’s pro-worker yet anti-woke stance, reactions to liberalism’s decline vary widely. Yet, they share a common thread: postliberalism. Postliberalism itself is complex. To unpack its nuances, Reset DOC spoke with Chris Wright, history professor at the City University of New York and author of Popular Radicalism and the Unemployed in Chicago during the Great Depression.
  • Chandra Mallampalli 12 February 2025
    At the confirmation hearing of Kash Patel for the position of FBI Director, Senator Thom Tillis introduced him as the son of Indian immigrants from their home state of Gujarat, which he described as a “melting pot” of religions. Patel’s father had fled Uganda during Idi Amin’s expulsion of Indians before ultimately settling the family in New York. Patel displayed his religion and ethnicity alongside his belief in the U.S. Constitution. He saluted his parents by declaring “Jai Sri Krishna,” a greeting that literally means glory or victory to Lord Krishna. If we set aside the grave concerns Democrats raised about Patel’s conspiracy mongering and his ambitions to dismantle the “deep state” by exacting revenge on Trump’s enemies, Patel’s nomination appears to reflect values Democrats would embrace: a commitment to pluralistic democracy, an embrace of racial and cultural differences, and an affirmation of America as a haven for immigrants. But are these the values that drew him to the Trump administration?
  • Fulvia Giachetti 7 February 2025
    In Europe and the United States, politics has long been dominated by cultural wars, leading to extreme polarization in public debate. One consequence of this is the overshadowing of economic disparities and social conflicts. What are the origins of this phenomenon, how has it evolved in recent years, and how can it be addressed? To explore these questions, Reset DOC spoke with Mimmo Cangiano, professor of Literary Criticism and Comparative Literature at Ca’ Foscari University of Venice. Among his most recent works are Cultura di destra e società di massa (Right-Wing Culture and Mass Society, Nottetempo, 2022) and Guerre culturali e neoliberismo (Cultural Wars and Neoliberalism, Nottetempo, 2024).
  • Akash Chopra 3 February 2025
    On January 28, 2025, a stampede at the Maha Kumbh Mela in Prayagraj, India, resulted in the deaths of at least 30 people and left hundreds injured. The incident at one of the world’s largest religious gatherings once again exposed the vulnerabilities of India’s mass pilgrimages. While such events are deeply embedded in the country’s cultural and religious fabric, they have increasingly become political battlegrounds where governance failures, political patronage, and infrastructural shortcomings intersect with faith.
  • Chandra Mallampalli 16 January 2025
    January 6 marks the fourth anniversary of an unprecedented attack on the United States Capitol and American democracy. Far more than advancing “the lie” about a stolen 2020 election, the insurrectionists of January 6 presented the world with an alternative understanding of America, one arising from fears of white replacement and steeped in Christian nationalist ideas and imagery. Despite being the only twice impeached U.S. president and a convicted felon, Donald Trump not only won the last election, but also gained majorities in both the Senate and the House and made inroads into Asian, Black, and Latino American communities that typically vote Democrat. These facts should prompt us to reframe January 6 not as a shameful setback for MAGA, but as a catalyst for the movement’s onward march. To what kind of America will Trump 2.0 take us? This is where a comparative lens can be useful.
  • Nicole Hamouche 15 January 2025
    Despite political polarization, the shared experience of closeness in adversity has solidified the foundations of vivre ensemble, a defining aspect of the Lebanese identity, “because Lebanon is the witness of history, because religions are complementary, and because the people are one,” and “our identity, despite our diversity, is Lebanese,” as stated by the newly elected President, Joseph Aoun, in his inaugural speech.
  • The recent European elections confirmed a trend that began in the 1990s, showing that support for far-right parties has spread like wildfire across the continent. In France, Marine Le Pen’s Rassemblement National won 31.5 percent of the vote and reached the second round of the national legislative elections, although it ultimately lost. In Italy, Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni’s Brothers of Italy party came first with 28.8 percent, while the Freedom Party of Austria also topped the polls with 25.4 percent of the preferences. Alternative for Germany achieved a startling result: Germany’s ultra-right party became the second-largest political formation (16 percent) after the CDU and ahead of Olaf Scholz’s SPD. Yves Mény, the first Director of the Robert Schuman Center at the European University Institute, delves into the political dynamics that have contributed to the rise of right-wing parties in Europe.
  • Ivan Krastev 20 December 2024
    As someone who is not a student of American politics, I tend to relate American political developments to experiences and places that I am more familiar with. From this perspective, I’ll try to make four simple points. For a foreigner, particularly an Eastern European, who carries a significant political history in their personal biography, one of the most striking things that began to unfold in the United States—long before these most recent elections—was the intense conversation about the “last elections.” Specifically, the question of whether these could be the “last elections” in the sense of the political system being in peril. This debate became especially prominent around 2020, when the idea was first articulated.
  • James D. Hunter 20 December 2024
    The polarization of different common culture is emerging, but tragically, it is not one that fosters unity. Instead, it is a culture of nihilism, driven by a logic of ressentiment—a narrative of injury that seeks revenge through a will to power. This culture’s negations, as Rieff once put it, lead to a nothingness that can be both radical and reactionary at the same time. The challenge of meaningful and effective governance under such conditions is immense, if not impossible. All of this is true in its own right. Add to it the multiple crises of global poverty, rogue states with nuclear weapons, climate change, mass immigration, and an increasingly unstable international order, and the stakes become even higher. My argument is that we are at a moment when the answers to these fundamental questions about the vitality and longevity of liberal democracy can no longer be taken for granted—not because of our polarization, but because we no longer have the cultural resources to navigate what divides us.
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