Bassima El-Hakkawi’s appointment is in line with the traditional rule of restricting women to social affairs. The Ministry for Solidarity, Women, Families and Social Development, is par excellence afflicted by a double handicap with, on one hand, a lack of funding and, on the other, its total dependency on the policies of other ministries as far as women’s needs and specificities are concerned. This consideration is nothing but the famous “gender approach” always demonized by the Justice and Development Party (PJD).
By presenting the only potential minister for this department, the PJD has therefore not implemented any renewal whatsoever. On the other hand, one could wonder why from the very beginning of negotiations it appeared that this ministry was “reserved” by and preserved for the PJD. Unlike all the other ministries, the coalition parties did not fight over the Ministry for Solidarity, Women, Families and Social Development, and it seemed from the beginning of negotiations that this ministry was “reserved” for the PJD. Was it perhaps because the coalition parties considered it a secondary appointment and that it would be best to fight over more important portfolios? Perhaps more “manly” ones? Or was it perhaps because the PJD considered it one of those key ministries that will allow it to show off its competence and its loyalty to the principles and programmes defended during the election campaign?
In both cases what is at stake is the future of women, of families, of society, as well as our social project. In his first statement, the prime minister said, “the new cabinet really does intend to implement reforms and will be loyal to the commitments made by the state.” In theory this includes Morocco’s commitments concerning the rights of women, favouring the respect, promotion and implementation of international conventions ratified by the country in compliance with the provisions contained in the new constitution.
Furthermore, during the last session held by the outgoing parliament, MP Bassima El-Hakkawi compared the setting aside of reservations concerning the convention on eliminating all forms of discrimination against women, the CEDAW (1), to a denial of Islam’s founding principles and criticized the government for “having dared to go beyond its limitations.” In this sense either choosing Bassima El-Hakkawi was inappropriate, or she herself should review this and a number of statements from her past.
With the verve and the intensity we have come to know, the new Minister for Women and Family lambasted – better than the best of machos – the government for allegedly abolishing objections to equality between the sexes in marriage. She claimed that the government proved, “it did not know its own houdouds.” In the religious lexicon, “houdoud” is used to describe limits established by God. Using simplistic subjects, she provoked the public, asking if equality, according to the CEDAW, also envisaged women having to give their husbands a Sadaq [in Islam the Sadaq is the gift the man brings as a dowry, as well as the promise to take care of her and of all expenses faced by the family, Editor’s Note] She also claimed that the CEDAW would mean opening a Pandora’s box as far as inheritance law is concerned.
She fills her statements with words such as “tawabit” (hence the foundations of the Muslim Umma), “sharia” and “houdoud”, which are almost indisputable, because they are divine. Deciding to set aside the issue concerning the Sadaq, which I consider secondary, I wonder about the validity of the image of Moroccan families our minister wishes to represent and wants or believes she should defend.
How real is the husband’s or the father’s exclusive stated obligation to assume responsibility for supporting the family? What does the minister intend to do with the 20% of Moroccan families that, according to national statistics, are run and kept by women? What will the minister do about the provisions in the current family law codes, which put the family under the joint responsibility of both the husband and the wife with equal financial obligations? Would it not be better to acknowledge that Moroccan women of all social classes have been contributing for a long time, in one way or another, to supporting their families and consequently acknowledge the right to joint custody of their children – in agreement with the father – and also to an equal share of all assets acquired during the marriage in the event of a divorce or after the death of a husband?
As far as inheritance laws are concerned, the subject is certainly very complex and delicate. However, one cannot brush it aside with a simple statement on the existence of explicit and indisputable texts (Nass Qatii) in the Koran. National NGOs defending human rights and women’s rights have been addressing this issue long before the setting aside of reservations on the CEDAW, developing a solid and well-grounded basis so as to allow a calm and responsible debate.
Guilt-ridden shortcuts raising the spectre of a departure from the precepts of Islam and that would embarrass Moroccans, will prove insufficient in debating these issues in the future. The members of the new government will be judged on the basis of their actions. Actions are what everyone is waiting for. You can be assured that more than fifty percent of all Moroccans – the women – will carefully watch your actions more than your statements. There are any signs that Moroccans have no more time to waste on stated intentions and ideological speeches made to create misunderstandings and chaos. Neither lengthening the garments and djellabas of women, nor rehabilitating polygamy, nor re-legalizing marriages of minors will reduce prostitution or moralize individual and public life. Moreover, these changes will never resolve problems of violence, poverty and insecurity that chiefly afflict women. Now you are a minister, the media and the cameras will follow your work far more than when you were an MP. Would you accept a simple request from a woman? So, please smile, Honourable Madam Minister!
Whose responsibility is it?
In her first statement as a minister to national television stations, Madame Bassima El-Hakkawi expressed her disappointment at the absence of women in the new government. However, she instantly mitigated the matter, adding that the responsibility for the lack of other female candidates should be blamed on other parties in the government coalition. This was meant to insinuate that her appointment places the PJD on a different level: that of a party promoting the participation of women, unlike the other parties with which it has formed an alliance. Perhaps this is just a taste of the solidarity characterising the members and the parties in power. However, although equality and the non-discrimination of women cannot be reduced to simple percentages, the fact remains that there is only one woman among the PJD’s twelve ministers.
If the other three parties in the government coalition had sent the same percentage of women candidates as the PJD, we would have had half a woman from the Istiqlal party and two-thirds of a woman from the Party of Progress and Socialism (PPS) and the People’s Movement (MP). In short, we would have one more female minister, and it would have been necessary to find a candidate meeting the approval of all three political parties. These elementary mathematical exercises do not intend to remove blame from the political parties, PJD included. Once again traditional sacrosanct patriarchal and chauvinist traditionalism has won out in all the ruling parties.
Chercher la femme
In addition to the minuscule presence of women in the Benkirane cabinet, the official photograph is also insulting. At this level too, which seems symbolic, there is a great contrast with the official photographs of previous governments. In those photographs, female ministers, whatever their number, were eminently visible. In these photographs one could see the ministers’ perfectly legitimate personal pride, as well as the national pride of Morocco, wishing to honour its women. In the photograph of the Benkirane cabinet, the female minister is at the end of the second row, and it is with difficulty that her head emerges from between the Hon. Driss Dahhak and the Hon. Nabil Benabdellah. Is this just a coincidence? Or is it a question of modesty? Whose modesty? Of the government that has effectively excluded women? Or could it be the minister’s modesty? Once again, Madame El-Hakkawi will be able to answer that “women should be judged on the basis of their actions and not their positions – in this case in parliament.”(2) It is precisely there that the new minister is awaited!
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(1)Video YouTube “Bassima El-Hakkawi à propos de la levée par le Maroc des réserves sur la CEDAW”.
(2) Video YouTube: “Controverse entre Bassima El-Hakkawi et Skalli”.
The original version of this article was published on L’Economiste on January 6th 2012 www.leconomiste.com
Translation : Francesca Simmons
Editing : Julie DeVries