BJP’s Majoritarian Push in Uttar Pradesh
Abhijan Choudhury 27 September 2024

India’s ruling Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) has repeatedly been accused by the opposition and civil society of pursuing divisive politics and promoting a sectarian agenda aimed at dismantling the country’s secular foundations to establish a majoritarian state. The recent incident involving the Kanwarias, pilgrims devoted to Lord Shiva, should be viewed in this context, rather than dismissed as trivial, as has been done with similar cases in the past. It once again highlights that the party and its leadership are focused on securing power by appealing to the majority community while sidelining minorities.

The notification issued by the BJP-led government in Uttar Pradesh (UP), India’s most populous state, in July this year further revealed the party’s hardcore belief in the politics of segregation. It reinforced growing fears, even among the liberals, that the party is willing to go to any lengths to consolidate its support base and has little regard for the Constitution or the country’s social fabric.

UP, with a population exceeding 240 million, would rank as the sixth most populous nation if it were a country. It plays a pivotal role in shaping the political landscape of India, accounting for nearly 15 percent of the total seats in Parliament. Dominating UP is, without a doubt, essential for any political party aiming to govern the country.

 

Yogi Adityanath’s Political Strategy

Since coming to power in Uttar Pradesh in 2017, Yogi Adityanath, the Hindu monk turned politician from the BJP, has introduced a series of policies aimed at appealing to the majority Hindu community. These moves appear to be designed not only to strengthen his influence in the state but also to position himself as a serious contender for the prime ministership when the time comes to replace Narendra Modi.

While seeking the support of the majority is a legitimate strategy in any democracy, it should never come at the expense of the country’s fundamental principles, as laid out in the Constitution. In the case of the BJP, however, this has often been the case. Modi’s rise to power in 2014 was, to a significant degree, the result of the majoritarianism he openly promoted and embodied. Similarly, Yogi’s policy decisions frequently reflect a willingness to prioritize a sectarian agenda, even when it clashes with the constitutional mandate.

“BJP has never been shy about its political preferences. It is the political wing of the RSS which was formed to create a ‘Hindu nation’ in India. It is foolish to think that being in power would make it responsible or respectful to the Constitution, which talks about an idea of a nation completely alien to the RSS,” says Abdul Rahman, a former lecturer of political science at the University of Delhi, now working as a freelance reporter.

Kanwarias are pilgrims, often traveling on foot to worship sites dedicated to lord Shiva, one of the principal deities in Hinduism. Although Hinduism is the majority region in India, the Kanwarias are concentrated in the northern parts of the country. The annual pilgrimage takes place during the month of Savan in the Hindu calendar, typically falling in July or August.

Hundreds of thousands of Kanwarias travel long distances, often barefoot, from their homes to designated pilgrimage sites, carrying the “Kanwar” – a pole with water-filled pots hanging on the other end – on their shoulders. Their sheer number makes them an attractive demographic in an electoral democracy, which is why state governments often cater to them, despite the public disruptions and law-and-order challenges their presence can cause.

At the start of this year’s Kanwaria pilgrimage, the district administration of Muzaffarnagar in UP issued an order requiring all eateries along the Kanwarias’ routes, including those run by street vendors, to clearly display the name of their owners. Authorities claimed the move was essential for maintaining law and order and protecting the Kanwarias’ faith, allowing them to make informed decisions about where to eat.

Muzaffarnagar, located in western Uttar Pradesh, has a significant number of eateries owned or operated by Muslims, India’s largest minority group. The order quickly sparked widespread outrage, with opposition parties and civil society activists condemning it as divisive and demanding its immediate withdrawal. Many argued that the BJP government was attempting to impose social segregation between Muslims and Hindus, drawing comparisons to the“Judenboycott” policy implemented by the Nazis in Germany.

 

BJP Owns its Majoritarianism 

Despite the concerns raised, the Uttar Pradesh government decided to extend the implementation of the rule across the entire state. The neighboring Uttarakhand government, also led by the BJP, followed suit and implemented a similar order.

In response, some activists, civil society members, and opposition leaders petitioned the country’s Supreme Court, seeking immediate intervention. They argued that the directive violated constitutional principles of secularism, equality, non-discrimination, and the right to dignity of life.

The state’s main opposition parties called for the order to be withdrawn, labeling it a threat to social harmony and peace. The left parties termed it a violation of India’s secular principles and an attempt to divide the society on religious grounds as per its larger agenda.

Though the Supreme Court stayed the order, calling it discriminatory, the BJP government attempted to defend its stance during the court proceedings. On July 25, the government filed an affidavit arguing that “the idea behind the directive is transparency and informed choice of the consumer [Kanwarias, Editor’s note] regarding the food they eat during the period of the yatra, keeping in mind their religious sentiments so that they don’t even accidentally, fall foul of their beliefs.”

At first glance, it might seem that the BJP is genuinely concerned with protecting people’s right to practice their religion in accordance with their faith, and the accusations of bias are overblown. However, a closer examination of the UP government’s actions reveals that the Kanwaria order was indeed a calculated, divisive move. The same government had issued a notification just months earlierdeclaring any display of “halal” signs illegal and a punishable offense. Halal certification, a global practice, is a religious requirement in Islam.

Commenting on the Kanwaria order, Rahman argues that it is clear evidence of the BJP’s determination to go to any length to build a majoritarian support base. He points out that most Kanwarias belong to marginalized caste groups, which have not yet fully aligned with the BJP, as demonstrated in the last Lok Sabha elections. The party lost many seats, finishing second to the Samajwadi Party (SP), which secured the votes of the backward castes. Rahman asserts that the BJP understands it must win Dalits and backward castes at any cost if it hopes to dominate UP.

 

Law and Order and the Rise of ‘Bulldozer Baba’

The UP government under Yogi Adityanath has faced numerous accusations of implementing policies that reveal a broader aim – not just to win over one or two caste groups within the majority community, but to secure the support of all Hindus.

Shortly after coming to power in 2017, Yogi’s administration launched a large-scale operation against crime in the state. According to reports, UP police were involved in nearly 13,000 encounters between March 2017 and August 2024. It was revealed that of the 207 alleged criminals killed in these encounters – many of which were suspected to be stagedthe proportion of Muslims was disproportionately high compared to their share of the state’s population.

Muslims make up around 19 percent of Uttar Pradesh’s population, according to the 2011 census.

The Yogi government’s approach to dealing with accused individuals has also raised serious concerns about the rule of law, another fundamental principle of the Indian Constitution and democracy. In many cases, police and local administrations were found to be overzealous when the accused were Muslims. Punishments were often executed before trials had even begun. In numerous instances, the government used bulldozers to demolish homes of accused individuals – or their relatives – within hours of their names appearing in criminal cases. The practice became so widespread that Adityanath earned the nickname “Bulldozer Baba.”

The Indian Supreme Court has now frozen also the practice of demolishing homes of accused persons pending further hearings on the legality of the measures.

The most telling indicator of the BJP’s divisive politics is its willingness to openly embrace majoritarianism. Yogi has frequently asserted that promoting the interests of the majority is his primary concern and that those who disagree with this stance should leave the country.

Upon assuming office, Yogi initiated a campaign to change Muslim-sounding place names, renaming Allahabad to Prayagraj, Faizabad to Ayodhya, and MughalSarai Railway Junction to Pandit Deen Dayal Upadhyay Junction.

Yogi and his government have often been criticized for their indifference towards incidents of mob lynching, particularly those involving cow vigilantes, who are typically linked to the ruling party or other right-wing Hindutva groups.

 

 

 

Cover photo: Kanwaria devotees hold pots of holy water and stand in the queue as they wait for their turn to pour holy water on the first Monday into the Shiva Linga of the holy month Shravana at the Lingaraj temple in the eastern Indian city Bhubaneswar, India, Monday, 25 July 2016. (Photo by Biswaranjan Rout / NurPhoto / NurPhoto via AFP)


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