Recently The New Light of Myanmar, the government’s English-language newspaper, has announced, “Peace and stability restored, traveling and marketing back to normal in Yangon.” Indeed, the peaceful marches participated by thousands of Buddhist monks and lay people in Myanmar (Burma) are no longer to be seen in the streets of Yangon, the country’s main city. However, it is too early to declare that the marches have walked into history. The curtain of the real drama that will bring tremendous influence on Myanmar’s future has just opened.
In the wake of the brutal suppression, senior officials from the Bush administration pressed Chinese officials in private conversations to use their leverage with Myanmar’s authorities to help manage a transition to a new government in Myanmar. President Bush met with Chinese Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi in the Oval Office on September 27 for an unscheduled meeting. Mr. Bush urged Mr. Yang to have China “use its influence” in Myanmar to facilitate a peaceful transition to democracy. Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice had raised the subject of Myanmar in her own meeting with Mr. Yang shortly before the President. Christopher R. Hill, the United States’ top diplomat on Asia, also discussed the issue in Beijing.
However, the Chinese officials “deflected the entreaties by describing Myanmar’s turmoil as an internal matter.” Together with Russia, China, the veto-wielding permanent member of the UN Security Council, declared that the events in Myanmar do not constitute a threat to international peace and security. Chinese UN Ambassador Wang Guangya argued that the problems facing Myanmar are “basically internal. No international-imposed solution can help the situation.” China wants Myanmar’s government “to handle this issue.”
Why does the Bush administration focus its diplomacy on China? The immediate reason is that the United States “has little independent influence over the military government in Burma.” Mr. Bush offers no more than rhetorical condemnation and symbolic sanctions. The other reason is that China has become an important player in international politics. China has become “more assertive around the globe.” Interestingly enough, the Bush administration’s dependency on China was also shared by some important figures from the legislative branch of the American government. Mr. Tom Lantos, the Chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, believes that China is key to resolving the conflicts in Myanmar. He stated that “if the Chinese authorities decided to put pressure on Burma, things would (sic) change instantaneously.”
Ms. Shari Villaroso, the U.S. charge d’affaires in Myanmar, recommended that the world needs to push the junta government of Burma; “push it and push it and push it some more.” The issue is who will do the job. The United States clearly can not assume the role as the pusher. The Bush administration has threatened to impose more sanctions on Myanmar if the government does not loosen its grip on the country. However, the U.S. trades little with the country and any penalties it imposes aren’t expected to have much effect. China is clearly to be on the mission and the chosen pusher.
China has strong political, economic and military interests in Myanmar, which offers 1,200 miles of coastline on the Bay of Bengal and Andaman Sea. China has proposed to build a pipeline from the Bay of Bengal through Myanmar and into its Yunan Province. The United States also has interests there: oil companies such as Chevron have a major stake in Myanmar’s big gas fields. It is reasonable to say that "the cynical maneuvers in these cases are revolting, as great powers seek their geopolitical interests, never the authentic defense of human rights." (Thalif Deen, “Politics: ASEAN Backs Neither U.S. Nor China over Burma,” in Inter Press Service).
It will be reluctantly but surely when China assumes this responsibility and cooperates with the United States in solving the conflicts in Myanmar. It is a god-given opportunity for China to demonstrate to the world that China’s is “a responsible partner” of the international community. Like the solving of the Korean peninsula nuclear crisis, the solving of the crisis in Myanmar will greatly enhance China’s image and prestige in the world. The Chinese government under Mr. Hu Jintao is working hard to promote the conception of a harmonious society. Also, another significant factor for Beijing to consider is that its positive attitudes will prevent human right fighters’ calls for boycott of next year’s Olympics, which China definitely doesn’t want to see that happen.
China’s hesitant cooperation with the United States in solving the crisis in Myanmar doesn’t necessarily mean that China will be more and more like the United States politically, but proves again the permanent truth that the national geopolitical interests are always above the concerns of the human rights of other countries. It was based on this consideration that China and the United States have united to push Pyongyang out the nuclear business. The reluctant cooperation between the two superpowers in the region is working. China has joined the United States to deplore Myanmar’s brutal crackdown on the demonstrations. Senior General Than Shwe, the leader of the junta, has showed his concession. He told U.N. Secretary General special envoy, Ibrahim Gambari, that he is willing to talk with Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, the democracy activist. For that purpose, he has appointed the deputy labor minister to act as a liaison with the opposition leader.
Dave Wang is Manager of Hollis Library and Adjunct Professor of St. Johns University